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By Richard Ekman
The standard view is that when a college is considering change in
a policy or program, the faculty will meet for discussion and, sooner
or later, their collective wisdom will be reflected in a report
or program that is better than what would be produced by other means.
The inherent assumptions are that there are no time limits, and
that the collective knowledge of the faculty is comprehensive. In
reality, however, colleges and universities follow certain shortcuts.
There is great diversity among institutions and in their decision-making
practices, even among institutions of the same size and shape. Some
decisions remain the sole province of senior administrators with
little or no consultation. Others are discussed by the faculty or
faculty committees, but with short timelines and delimited options.
And some topics are considered beyond the expertise of anyone on
campus and are dealt with by consultants, whose views are then accepted
or rejected by the president or provost. There are also instances
when a single, transformational leader can propose an agenda based
on a singular vision and build the support for its rapid adoption.
Nonetheless, by and large the process that keeps the faculty front-and-center
leads to very good results, especially when time is adequate for
gathering information from experts outside the institution and then
further discussion by the faculty. Among other good results, this
process allows for significant faculty “buy-in” as the
discussion continues so that the results, when final, are not a
surprise to anyone. No college or university can progress very far
without considerable consensus among faculty and administrators,
and sometimes also trustees, alumni, and/or students.
But the liabilities of academic decision-making are real. It is,
for example, not nearly as fast as a “top-down” directive
approach would be. In a world in which institutions compete for
students, the speed of a college in launching a new program or changing
a policy can be critical. When questions are raised by policymakers
beyond the campus about institutional effectiveness, colleges can
be perceived as too slow to respond.
The report of Secretary Spellings’ Commission on the Future
of Higher Education recommends a number of changes in colleges and
universities. Some are useful; others are ill-advised. Unfortunately,
the report does not reflect an understanding of how change actually
takes place in colleges and universities—and this is a significant
flaw. As a result, the Commission’s ideas are unlikely to
be implemented or, if implemented, to be long-lived.
Some of the Commission’s recommendations call for Congressional
or Executive Branch mandate and are needlessly heavy-handed in their
unilateral approach. No one should want a system of higher education
in the United States that is run directly by the national government.
Other countries with nationalized systems of higher education offer
sufficiently negative examples.
Moreover, the Commission report rarely capitalizes on the significant
progress already being made by the voluntary actions of colleges
and universities, individually and together, on many of the issues
that the Commission thinks are most problematic:
Expand access. The rate of college-going in the
U.S. has grown enormously in a generation, and includes greatly
increased numbers of students from groups that previously had low
participation rates in higher education. Of course, more must be
done to increase the graduation rates of African Americans and Hispanic
Americans, but the records of colleges and universities working
on their own are very impressive. The Commission should build on
the fact that, despite the inadequate preparation of many students
by high schools, colleges have not taken the approach of admitting
only the well-prepared students. Most institutions are committed
to widening access, taking admissions risks, and providing a lot
more non-governmental financial aid.
Overhaul the financial aid system. What we call
the financial aid system is complicated and bureaucratic, to be
sure. But these circumstances are largely a result of incremental
changes over the years made by Congress and the Department of Education.
Don’t blame the colleges for federal policies. The Commission
is also far too casual in saying that it wants “need-based”
aid to trump “merit” aid and, at the same time, it wants
colleges to focus on training experts in critical fields in order
to enhance U.S. competitiveness with other countries. Surely some
financial aid needs to be targeted to ensure that the very brightest
students, irrespective of family-income levels, study the critical
fields.
Control costs and improve productivity. The assumption
by the Commission that all higher education is the same is incorrect:
the University of Phoenix may spend less per student than Princeton,
Hiram, or St. Edward’s, but Phoenix offers those students
significantly less as well. Large state universities spend less
per student than small liberal arts colleges, and the small colleges
have much higher degree-completion rates, especially for “at
risk” students. Many colleges and universities have already
reined in cost increases, improved their graduation rates, and reduced
attrition.
Increase accountability. Here, too, much is already
underway without the benefit or pressure of a Commission report.
All the regional accreditors have, beginning a few years ago, put
more emphasis on “outcomes.” CIC and three dozen of
its member colleges and universities have been utilizing the Collegiate
Learning Assessment for several years, and some 300 have used the
National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE). This openness to assessment
in higher education runs across independent and public institutions
and their associations. The National Association of State Universities
and Land Grant Colleges and the American Association of State Colleges
and Universities have already said that, in principle, they also
favor more outcomes assessment.
Add transparency to reports of institutional effectiveness.
The Education Department’s COOL website already provides plenty
of information, and dozens of commercial college guides are available,
with statistics that allow comparisons on key characteristics. The
Commission suggests the statewide “Measuring Up” reports
as a model, but these are gross aggregations of results for all
the institutions in a state that mask the differing records of individual
institutions, and make it impossible to see, for example, that most
private institutions do a superior job in comparison with public
institutions (for students with similar characteristics at matriculation).
It’s baffling why anyone would think that the federal government
can administer a “privacy-protected” information system,
given the government’s dismal record in protecting the information
it already has on veterans and many other citizens.
Embrace innovation. Private foundations and federal
agencies such as the Fund for Improvement of Post-Secondary Education,
National Endowment for the Humanities, and the National Science
Foundation have been funding innovative programs for 40 years. Many
of these grants led to successes that have been replicated at institutions
throughout the country. Some have led to failures. Many others have
led to successes that were not sustained by institutions because
they were too expensive or their biggest advocates left the institution.
The problem is not that innovation has been absent before or is
lacking today; it is that successful innovations can be difficult
to institutionalize.
And this point takes us to the crux of what is wrong with the Commission’s
report. A college can decide on its own to make changes, usually
after lengthy, widely participatory discussion. Once a decision
has been made to change, the government can help implement the change
through grants, making favorable results come faster or be more
pervasive.
Foundation and federal grants can also offer stimuli to pursue new
directions and provide inducements for colleges. But change that
is well considered, that is understood and supported by the faculty
and administrators of a college, and that is long-lasting cannot
be mandated by the government without running the risk of creating
in America a system of higher education that looks like the politicized,
rigid, and lesser-quality systems found in too many other parts
of the world.
For 25 years both Democrats and Republicans have sometimes found
it expedient to criticize colleges and universities. For this and
other reasons, these institutions have lost much public understanding
of why they operate as they do. The Commission’s report plays
to those impulses. But if the Commission is really interested in
change, it ought to try harder to build on what is already working.
A federal mandate will not make implementation of either worthy
or wrong-headed changes any more likely to succeed.
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