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Thomas R. Morris, Emory & Henry College
August 29, 2002

Each year we gather at our Opening Convocation to welcome new members of our academic community and to congratulate seniors and encourage them in their last months at Emory & Henry (you note I said months, not years). We also gather to reflect on the traditions and mission of Emory & Henry College, Emory, Virginia, the United States of America. Often we also reflect on our place in this country and in the world.

Those of us who teach and serve in higher education are privileged to be part of this high calling; those of you who are students are fortunate to have an opportunity to learn in such an academic community as this one.

Many of the first-year students here this evening were born in 1984. (May I see a show of hands for those who were.) For those who do not order American history according to presidential elections, permit me to point out 1984 was the year Ronald Reagan was reelected. So, here’s the lowdown on the young adults gathered here constituting the classes of 2003 through 2006:

—-Although Ronald Reagan was president when many of you here were born, you barely remember the Reagan era, don’t necessarily understand the -ism of Reaganism, probably don’t remember his imagery of the U.S. as "a shining city on a hill" or his denunciation of the former Soviet Union as an "evil empire."

—-You were in elementary or middle school when the Soviet Union dissolved and do not remember the Cold War.

—The Vietnam War is as much ancient history to you as WWI or WWII or the Peloponnesian War between Sparta and Athens.

—Tragically, AIDS has existed your entire life span.

—-You have never had a polio or small pox vaccine.

—You most probably have never used a typewriter.

—-Hearing your parents say, "You sound like a broken record" probably means nothing to you because the compact disc has been around your whole life.

—-From your perspective, there have always been red M&Ms, remote controls, answering machines, cable television, and many choices of "fast food."

—-For as long as you can remember, Jay Leno has hosted The Tonight Show.

—-Believe it or not, when you were born there were NO super Wal-Marts anywhere. Wal-Mart of any size first entered Virginia in 1984. Tennesseans may or may not take pride in having a Wal-Mart 10 years before Virginia!

—Presidents, prime ministers, and dictators have come and gone in your lifespan, but one figure has been in the news your whole life. His name? Think for a minute. I’m tempted to have you guess. I’m not thinking of Elvis. I have Yasir Arafat in mind. In 1984 he and his 4,000-band of loyal guerillas were evacuated from Tripoli after Israel ended 10 days of bombardment. One headline in November of 1984 read, "Is it Arafat’s Last Battle?" [For Print Copy—Adapted from "A Perspective on Today’s Youth" by Lisa P. of iVillage.]

When I sat where you are, I did so in the grave, dark ages of the 1960s, and we were required to read a book by Eric Arthur Blair (1903-1950) [copy print only]. I bet few of you have ever heard of that British author, except, of course, the English professors gathered here. He used the pen name George Orwell and wrote two brilliant satires: Animal Farm and his last work entitled 1984.

Some argue he was one of the most important and influential voices of the last century. The novel 1984 has most often been described as a futuristic allegory. (It was written in 1944—the year of my birth, by the way. I see you computing on your fingers—you don’t have enough!) 1984 warned or prophesized about the totalitarian government. The phrase BIG BROTHER IS WATCHING YOU became a part of my daily lexicon.

During my first year of college, I had a professor who was the most intelligent, articulate person I had ever met. I was convinced he knew everything worth knowing and had the answer to all relevant questions. You will encounter such faculty members here. They will lead you to discover, as mine did, that the search for truth is yours to pursue, not theirs to dictate. Granted, my brilliant professor helped move me down the path of intellectual inquiry. He stimulated my curiosity, but I was left to expand it and seek what was the truth for me.

In my college classes, I became more and more interested in ideas and issues. Eventually, I differed in my interpretations from those of my professors and friends. Now, I know that was the professors’ greatest joy. The life-long learning journey was well underway. Little did I realize then that life-long learning is the essential condition of the good life. Today, I love to talk about civil and religious issues, about politics, and about public policies. In fact, any time of the day, any day, any month is a good time.

In the last few months, several editorialists have suggested that George Orwell missed the mark by 18-20 years. They attest to the theory that the scary fiction of Orwell’s 1984 is more descriptive of 2002 or 3 or 2006 than of the 1980s. In the novel 1984, you recall neighbors spy on neighbors and children spy on parents. Such commentary in these recent editorials was precipitated by the Bush administration’s proposal called TIPS—Terrorism Information and Prevention System.

When I sat where you are, the new concept had another acronym: M.A.D (that’s not Mad Magazine). It stood (and still does) for Mutually Assured Destruction. "It means that if either side initiates an attack, the other side guarantees it will respond in kind and in toto. . .so if we bomb them, they have to bomb us back, even though that means the end of everything and there’s no winning."

Another way of describing M.A.D. goes like this: "It’s like two guys standing up to their knees in kerosene, aiming flare guns at each other. No matter who fires first, they both go." [p. 211 The Translator by John Crowley] TIPS or MAD, totalitarianism or terrorism, the challenge and lunacy remain the same.

Most certainly the lives of many changed tragically as a result of the horrific events of September 11, 2001, and the lives of all of us have been affected—in ways, I humbly suggest, that are evolving and will be for the course of our lives.

Commentators were quick to say post-9/11, "We will never be the same. The world will never be the same." I suggest we say, "As always, we will never be the same." (ibid, p. 5) The question we must ask is, "In what ways might our never being the same be for good and not for evil, for freedom and not for slavery?"

We are not the first to face cataclysmic change. Your grandparents had to ask or should have asked that question following the attack on Pearl Harbor and Hiroshima. Your parents’ opportunity to ask, "How can this be for good instead of evil?" followed the senseless assassinations of John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Malcolm X. The sages of old asked with Abraham, the father of three faiths—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, "How do we grow and love in the fundamental belief that there is one God?" The belief in one God changed the world forever.

Some see us as being in a war for civilization. A former professor of mine at Princeton Theological Seminary reminds us "we are much closer to Cain than to Adam than we are ready to admit." Fear and coercion continue to compete with our ideals of reason and consent. The spectacle of power without responsibility is the antithesis of free government. Another professor of mine, the late distinguished professor of jurisprudence at Princeton University and the University of Virginia, Alpheus T. Mason, argued that the challenge of free government is to fuse the opposite elements of liberty and restraint. He acknowledged that "free speech, like other basic rights, is not an absolute." He warned us, nevertheless, "there is danger lest we become enamored of the totalitarian notion that security can be found in coercion, that order means the absence of change." I think of Professor Mason often these days. He was the single most influential person on my intellectual life. I wish I could talk with him about our times when free government is once again put to the test.

We are all familiar with the words of President John Kennedy in his inaugural address: "Ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country." We are perhaps not as familiar with the words that followed: "My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man." Indeed, one of our nation’s major accomplishments was its leadership in the containment of totalitarianism during the Cold War. The United States has carried most of the heavy burden of freedom since September 11. Freedom is surely not free. Talk of the need for a regime change in Iraq has stoked the fires of anti-Americanism as well as extensive discussion in this country. Pakistanis in Karachi protest the war in Afghanistan by burning the American flag. Protestors in London label the U.S. the "#1 Rogue Nation." Leadership in world affairs is not popular, especially when the use of military force is required.

It’s customary to start a new academic year with discussion of summer reading. My reading this summer included a book by the Dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University published a few months after 9/11: The Paradox of American Power: Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t Go It Alone by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. The message is in the title. "Not since Rome," writes Nye, "has one nation loomed so large above the others." And yet, the paradox is that the Superpower cannot go it alone. You, and other world citizens, must ask and answer, "What is American about America?"

In answering that question, I invite you to examine Nye’s framework for viewing the role of the U.S. of A. in the 21st century. Nye categorizes American power in two ways: hard and soft power. Hard power refers to military and economic power. America’s dominance in the military and economic realms is obvious. However, according to Nye, our most lasting strength lies in our soft power, which arises from our values, our principles, our culture. In Nye’s words: "If the U.S. represents values that others want to follow, it will cost us less to lead." I’m afraid, young friends, that we may have assumed the soft power of a culture of fast food. But there is so much more to our soft power. Isn’t there? I ask you. Isn’t there more to America than McDonald’s and a "Happy Meal"? I answer by suggesting our soft power is in the ideal and reality of freedom. If we do not undermine our soft power by irresponsible use of our hard power, the U.S. will remain the most influential nation in the world well into this new century.

What is American about America? What is our soft power? America’s soft power remains enormous. It entices and attracts. The world watches and responds. However, in the information age, world politics is enormously complex. Governments have less control over the major sources of information. The spread of technologies of mass destruction via mass communication provides opportunities for terrorists and totalitarian states. It has been said we will never again be as free as we were on September 10, 2001. Time and the actions of you and every new generation will determine whether that statement is true.

Classes first convened at Emory & Henry in 1838; also in that year, a young state legislator from Illinois, Abe Lincoln, delivered a speech denouncing lawlessness and mob rule. Less than three months earlier, an abolitionist editor had been lynched in his state. Moreover, earlier in the decade, the final surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence died. (I’ll leave his name to trivial pursuit.) With the end of direct human links with the founding generation — "the pillars of the temple of liberty" he called them — how would America maintain the basic principles of individual liberty, justice, and adherence to law? The passing of the founding generation raised anew the question of what is American about America?

Such was the conflict of the time when Emory & Henry was founded on what was then America’s first frontier. Today we stand on the frontier of a new century with powerful traditions as our guide. Bishop John Emory represents the soft power of religious freedom and Governor Patrick Henry represents both the hard power of military engagement and the soft power of remaining engaged in civil life all one’s earthly life.

Throughout its history, this College has demonstrated itself to be part of the answer to Lincoln’s concern. "Men and women may be born free," writes political scientist, Benjamin Barber, "but they are not born citizens—which is why the liberal arts (the ‘arts of liberty’) were conceived as the instrumentalities of a democratic and civilized society." We here at E&H are serious about the education of citizens with a moral compass. By continuing along this well-marked path, Emory & Henry will offer not only one of the finest educations in the country, but also the ability to translate that education into a high level of influence — through our graduates’ success, outreach to the larger community and expanded participation in the national dialogue about critical issues of this century.

In perhaps one of the most influential political speeches in America’s founding era, by one of the illustrious founders of the nation, our own Patrick Henry, said (No, I’m not referring to "Give me liberty or give me death"), but in that same speech he said, "The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave." In other words, "The battle, ladies and gentlemen, is not to the hard power of militaries and economies alone; it is to the soft power of values, of vigilance, of community action, and bravery in the face of evil and confusion."

With freedom under attack from many sides, a reenergized citizenship is what we need. "Citizenship," in Pete Black’s words, "is our capacity to create for ourselves what we had sought from our leaders." We talk about rights almost to the exclusion of responsibilities. Scott Peck has suggested we balance the statue of liberty on the east coast with a statue of responsibility on the west coast. Citizenship combined with self-management and engagement are the lynchpins of a democratic society. Citizenship is taking responsibility for one’s life, community, and society. It is an act of free will.

Robert Putnam in his book Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community documents how people no longer bowl in leagues, but rather as individuals or in pairs. His metaphor symbolizes the decline of social investment in each other and the waning of civic engagement. The ways in which people connect with one another determines in large part the economic, political, and moral viability of a community. Remember the subtitle of Putnam’s book — "The collapse and revival of American community." (I choose to put the emphasis on "revival.") To paraphrase Mark Twain, the reports of the collapse of American influence are greatly exaggerated.

I recently saw a bumper sticker that read, "My Child is a Good Citizen." I could not help but wonder what the bumper sticker said on the cars of the parents of the Enron corporate executives and their accountants. Did they value good citizenship as much as how to make more money or how to cook the books to look as if all were making more money?

We need children and adults who are first and foremost good citizens. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis once said, "The most important office in our democracy is that of private citizen." We all need to remember the basic lessons of kindergarten about how to disagree respectfully and how to trade race cars and stickers fairly. We need engaged citizens with a breath of knowledge, moral sensitivity, intellectual curiosity, and the capacity to distinguish between the important and the unimportant. In short, we all need what you are here to get—the liberal arts.

Let us go forth from this place believing politics is relevant to the life of a good citizen. The issues of corporate accountability, social security, health care, biogenetics, education, environmental protection, international affairs, and social justice are complex. The elusive menace of terrorism and the threat of biological and chemical weapons are even more complex.

The challenges of freedom here and abroad as well as America’s place in the world community are important. Government is more important than ever as is civic engagement. Emory & Henry is committed to work with you to develop and cultivate those habits of civic virtue. We do so as a community that knows no bounds of place or ideology.

A movie that is regularly rerun on TV is The American President. Michael Douglas, speaking as the fictitious president says: "America isn’t easy... America is advanced citizenship." That sentiment is real. The political experiment of free government epitomized by the USA is alive and well.

Education in the "arts of liberty" is more important than ever. Good citizenship remains a free choice. Freedom and responsibility are what are American about America.

What else, I ask you, is American about America? May that question engage us seriously for weeks and months to come and especially as we remember September 11, 2001. Let’s get on with the activities and disciplines of citizenship.




 

 

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